Marseilles, France's second city, is quickly becoming
Interior Minister Manuel Valls's First Headache. He just can't get a grip on
this crime-plagued city, so different from all others. In spite of increased
police power, additional funds, and the appointment of a new Prefect last year,
the city registered its 15th homicide for the year on September 5th. That day,
in two separate incidents, two men were executed in drug-related reprisals as
two helmeted individuals on a scooter pulled up next to a targeted car, shot
the driver and disappeared into the traffic. A banal incident by Marseilles
standards except that this time one of the victims was the son of a well-known
and well-loved local figure: Jose Anigo, coach of the local football club Olympique de Marseille (OM). "This
city eats its own children," said Anigo, who deplored his son Adrien's
criminal record, including jail time for drug trafficking, and the culture of
drug-fueled easy money from which Adrien had been unable to extricate himself.
This time, there was a public outcry, and before the day was
over Interior Minister Manuel Valls
responded with a call for a concerted effort by local and national officials to
unite around a plan of action to end the drug wars in Marseilles. He spoke of a
National Pact, headed by Prime Minister Jean-Marc
Ayrault, and the duty of elected officials to focus on the tasks at hand:
employment for the young; rehabilitation of abandoned neighborhoods; increased
video surveillance; fighting school absenteeism. State and local authorities
will have to combine forces to overcome the drug traffickers and a certain
mindset that have taken hold in Marseilles.
Will it work? Jean-Claude Gaudin, 74-year-old UMP mayor of
Marseilles who has had his differences with socialist minister Valls, has
buried the hatchet and welcomed a united effort where, he insists, politics
will have no place. Given the extent of the problem, it will indeed require an
all-out effort, if not divine intervention, to break the back of a well-entrenched
drug trafficking business that has long relied on young recruits who as simple
lookouts could earn more in a day than their fathers did in a week. With
unemployment rates of over 40% in poor neighborhoods, teenage boys quickly
learned the ropes and moved up from scouts and lookouts to minor dealers, at
risk of severe punishment by their "employers". They also moved from
small handguns to kalashnikovs, the weapon of choice of their bosses, and to the
subsequent turf wars with their former recruiters which so often end in death,
as they did again on September 5th. Nevertheless, a new supply of young
recruits is always on hand, and the vicious circle continues...
Another problem in Marseilles is its intractable unions,
especially the CGT which has a firm grip on the Grand Port de Marseille. They may claim to fight for the rights of
dockworkers but are just as often the reason for companies leaving Marseilles
or avoiding it altogether. In 2009, in response to a government effort at
retirement reform, the CGT called for a 90-day strike, effectively paralyzing
the port of Marseilles and causing severe stress on other commerce. Result: if
in 1985 Marseilles was still the first container port in the Mediterranean,
today it has dropped to 11th place, with Barcelona and Genoa happy to
accommodate the frustrated cargo shippers that have had their fill of
Marseilles. Strikes by garbage workers are not uncommon either, and in 2007
such a strike was timed to coincide with the visit of the Swiss selection
committee for the America's Cup. Piles of rotting garbage quickly convinced the
Swiss to choose Valencia over Marseilles.
And Yet...
Marseilles was named European Capital of Culture this year,
beating Bordeaux, Lyons and Toulouse in the process. Drugs and gangs seem to
exist in a vacuum −the Quartier Nord of
this spread-out city− where no outsider ever goes and where drug dealers kill each
other.
The same has been said about Washington DC, where drug violence is largely limited to certain poor, all-black, neighborhoods without disturbing the rest of the city.
The same has been said about Washington DC, where drug violence is largely limited to certain poor, all-black, neighborhoods without disturbing the rest of the city.
Euromed Center |
MuCEM (left) and Villa Méditerranée (right) |
Norman Foster's Ombrière |
Can this possibly be a city in decline, an area to be
avoided by tourists, an ungovernable territory taken over by drug lords? Absolutely
not.
Granted, drug trafficking does exist but far from the
tourist areas, a mafia element does exist but is more interested in Brinks
trucks and gambling casinos than in your purse or necklace, and corruption is
not unknown either. Case in point: Jean-Noël Guérini, PS Senator and President
of the Bouches du Rhône Department,
who was expelled from his own party but so far has refused to step down.
Already the subject of several criminal investigations, he is currently
awaiting trial for embezzlement of public funds, while his brother Alexandre has
been convicted and sent to prison for criminal conspiracy.
So what to say about Marseilles?
Throughout history Marseilles has always been a rebellious
city and often at odds with the government in Paris. It exasperates and
delights in equal measure, like the difficult child in the family. It seems to walk
a fine line between its sunny side (natural beauty, ethnic diversity, blessed
climate and laid-back lifestyle) and its shady side of sometimes questionable governance
and inability to control its unions.
Even allowing for a tainted local government and a certain
underworld, the normal business world appears to function rather well here, as
evidenced by the successful transformation of the city and the ongoing Euromed project. All things considered, perhaps
the biggest surprise of Marseilles is that it functions at all.
(*) To read more about Marseilles, click here for the chapter Surprising Marseilles in my book Taking Root in Provence.